HomeMy WebLinkAboutAFC 10-29-09
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MEETING NOTICE
JCCOG Affordable Housing Committee Meeting
Thursday, October 29, 2009 - 4:00 PM
Coralville City Hall Council Chambers
Agenda
1. Call to Order
2. Public Discussion
3. Consider approval of August 27, 2009 minutes
4. Housing and population data overview
5. Policy and zoning code options to encourage moderate-priced housing
6. Affordable housing and public relations
7. Identify topics for next agenda
8. Discuss next meeting time and location
9. Other business
10. Adjournment
Attachments
1. October 22, 2009 memoradum and charts on housing and population data
2. October 19. 2009 memorandum regarding policy and zoning code options to encourage
moderate-priced housing
3. October 23, 2009 memorandum regarding affordable housing and public relations
4. January 2009 Land Lines article Inclusionary Zoning, Incentives and Land Value Recapture
[submitted by Maryanne Dennis]
S: \PCOIAGE N DAS\JCCOGIAHC\2009IAFCagenda 1 0-29-09.doc
MINUTES
JCCOG AFFORDABLE HOUSING COMMITTEE
THURSDAY, AUGUST 27, 2009 - 4:00 PM
CITY HALL, CORALVILLE, IOWA
PRELIMINARY
Members Present:
City of Coralville: Ellen Habel
City of Iowa City: Steve Long
City of North Liberty: Tracey Mulcahey
City of Tiffin: Royce Phillips
City of University Heights: Louise From
Home Builders Association: Glenn Siders
Housing Fellowship: Maryann Dennis
Housing Trust Fund of Johnson Co.: Tracey Achenbach
IC Community School District: Lane Plugge
Johnson County: Andy Johnson
University of Iowa: George Hollins
Staff Present:
John Yapp, Kris Ackerson, and Linda Severson
Others Present:
Charlie Eastham (Housing Fellowship); Mark Patton (Iowa Valley
Habitat); Rebecca Reiter (JC League of Women Voters); Dan
Smith (The Greater Iowa City Area Home Builders Association)
INTRODUCTIONS:
John Yapp called the meeting to order at 4:04 PM and asked the members of this new
committee to introduce themselves. He explained the history of this group and other groups who
have looked at affordable housing. This committee is charged with looking at affordable housing
from a regional point of view, and to eventually make recommendations on affordable housing
policy and programs to the Johnson County Council of Governments Board and individual city
councils.
PUBLIC DISCUSSION:
None
GROUP DISCUSSION:
Yapp asked the group what some of the regional affordable housing issues are from their
perspective.
Siders stated that several years ago there was a scattered site task force in Iowa City which
then also delved into affordable housing issues. He stated that not everyone was invited to the
table; for example, those involved in the building and marketing of housing were not part of the
committee. He also said there had been a "no name" group with a core group of 15 that met for
about two years. They drafted a document that they are willing to share with the group.
Dennis stated that the Iowa City Metro Area Affordable Housing Market Analysis (including
surrounding communities) showed a need for affordable housing, specifically rental and
scattered around the area.
Yapp reviewed the nine recommendations from the JCCOG Affordable Housing Task Force
Meeting (December 18, 2008). The initial task force was made up primarily of elected officials;
JCCOG Affordable Housing Committee
August 27. 2009
Page 2 of 3
it had been recommended that a more permanent discussion group be formed made up
primarily of staff. The first task force came to the following conclusions:
A. Affordable housing programs, policies and decision-making rests at the local level.
However, Johnson County communities should continue to work together to improve and
clarify public understanding of the benefits of quality multi-family housing.
B. While some recommendations can only be addressed by each respective jurisdiction, it
would be helpful to build regional capacity and to strive for consistency between
jurisdictions. Among other topics, JCCOG should investigate and provide information
about inclusionary housing policies, enterprise zone designations, and redevelopment
opportunities.
C. JCCOG should work to create an environment for collaboration and cooperation. The
participation and involvement of the University of Iowa is important, as well as input from
other stakeholders such as the school district, major employers, non profits, realtors,
homebuilders, etc.
D. A standing committee should be created which includes local government staff, officials,
and other stakeholders. This committee should share information and work toward
consistency in affordable housing policies, be a forum for exchanging 'best practices,'
and build the regional knowledge base.
E. In five years. another affordable housing market analysis should be conducted.
During discussion. some specific issues related to affordable housing were noted including:
Public awareness/perception
Lack of education/information on the issue
Build knowledge base
Public resistance
Keep educating
Put a face on affordable housing
Perception is the biggest issue-sometimes opinions without the knowledge
People who complain may not have all the facts
NIMBY (not in my backyard)
Definition of affordable housing
Levels of affordable housing
Reg u lations/ti me/expense
Private covenants
Cost of land
Cost of development
Need consistency in region re: regulations, building codes, zoning
Cost of scattered sites/financing
Hard to find land for multiple units
JCCOG Affordable Housing Committee
August 27, 2009
Page 3 of 3
Multiple units are more cost efficient
Inclusionary zoning
No break from utility company-new requirements add $600 per house
Rental units need more green space
Affordable housing is an issue at the University for international students and merit staff
Does affordable housing cause concentration of poverty?
Stability is important in the lives of children and how they perform in school
Management issues (how well are units managed or not managed? Management
nonresponsive or slow to respond so problems grow)
Safety issues (more police calls)
Maybe more need for support services
May not have access to resources (e.g. no car or no bus service)
Community resources (library, community center) are important
Yapp asked the group for some direction on what topics to emphasize and what information the
group would like JCCOG to research. Phillips suggested that staff review today's
comments/suggestions, the housing market analysis and other documents and develop a list of
five to six priorities. Phillips emphasized how important a topic this is and that the group should
work toward developing solutions as opposed to just generating further discussion.
The topics circled as being issues the committee would like more research on for the next
meeting include: Public awareness and perceptions/education on affordable housing issues;
understanding the demand for affordable rental housing; understanding the ways which
affordable housing may utilize more community resources and matching those resources to
housing locations; the cost of developing housing.
DISCUSSION ON COMMITTEE STRUCTURE:
Yapp asked if the group would like JCCOG staff to chair and organize the meetings, or if they
would prefer electing one of the committee members to chair the meetings. The majority
indicated they were comfortable with JCCOG staff chairing, facilitating, and supporting the
committee (agendas and minutes).
NEXT MEETING TIME AND LOCATION:
Mid - late October at Coralville City Hall. Note: It was later determined the next meeting of the
JCCOG Affordable Housing Committee would be on October 29 at 4:00 PM, at Coralville City
Hall.
ADJOURNMENT:
With no other business, the meeting was adjourned at 5:25 pm.
Minutes taken by L. Severson
s/PCD/Minutes/JCCOG/AFHC/aff hsg minutes8 27 09.doc
Agenda Item #4
Date: October 22. 2009
L-~JCCOG
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To: JCCOG Affordable Housing Committee
From: John Yapp. Director
Re: Agenda Item #4: Housing and population data overview
At the last meeting. we discussed the impact of the national economy and the Flood of 2008
on the local housing market. We have collected data from several sources and have
prepared the attached graphs depicting some trends in the local market.
Charts 1-3 Housing prices: Charts 1-3 show trends in housing prices. The average price of
a single family home in the Iowa City area market has decreased from approximately
$190,000 to $181.000 between September 2008 and September 2009. The average price of
condominium units has increased from approximately $129,000 to $134,000. This indicates
a softening of the market for single family homes and higher demand for condominiums.
Cook Appraisal report on rental rate trends: The attached report from Cook Appraisals
quantifies the trends in rental rates in Iowa City, Coralville and North Liberty. Rents continue
to increase in the urbanized area, especially for 2- and 3-bedroom units which saw over a
5% increase over the past two years. The area within one mile of the Pentacrest has the
highest rents and saw the highest rental increase.
Charts 4-6 Household size in Johnson County: Owner occupied housing typically has a
higher household size than rental housing. The most frequent household size for rental
housing one-person households; this indicates a limitation in earning power as opposed to
households with more than one wage earner. In general, household sizes have been
decreasing: Johnson County now has an average household size of 2.29 people, compared
to 2.59 nationally.
Chart 7 Rent as a percentage of household income: A high percentage (48%) of renters
devote over 35% of their income to their rent. This is the upper range of the percentage of
income which can be devoted to rent before having difficulty paying for other needs (utilities,
food, health care. transportation). While this is not uncommon in a market dominated by
student households. it indicates a high percentage of households are at risk if their income is
compromised.
Charts 8-9 Population and income growth: Johnson County population is forecasted to
continue to grow. Johnson County's 2005 population is estimated to be 121,000. Woods
and Poole's (2009) forecast for Johnson County's 2020 population is 158,456, and 210,695
in 2040. While the housing market will certainly fluctuate from year to year, this population
growth will fuel continued demand for housing over the long term. Similarly, personal income
growth is expected to continue to rise over the long term.
C:\Documents and SettingsIJyapp\Desktop\MemoForm-newJCCOG.doc
Chart 10 Housing occupancy status: Approximately 39% of households in Johnson
County are rental households, compared to 26.7% of rental households in the entire state.
This suggests that affordable rental housing should be a significant part of the discussion.
Chart 11 Distribution of home values: In the year 2000, 18% of owner-occupied homes
were in the $100,000 to $125,000 price range. As home values are projected to increase,
there will be more homes in the upper end of the price spectrum and fewer in the middle.
What does this data mean? In the short term, the price of single family homes has
decreased this past year while condominium prices and rents have increased throughout the
urbanized area. This indicates increasing demand in the lower-cost part of the market which
includes rentals and condominiums. Land use and zoning policies which encourage more
construction of housing in this price range would benefit households seeking housing in the
price range of condominiums ($134,000 average in Sept 2009).
Over the long term, Johnson County is projected to continue to grow in population, and the
average value of owner-occupied homes is expected to shift more toward higher-value
homes and less moderately priced homes. This is consistent with trends of condominiums
taking the place of owner-occupied homes for buyers in the lower range of the housing
market.
The next agenda item (agenda item #5) is a summary of land use and zoning code policies
which other communities have used to encourage more moderately proceed housing. We
have focused on policies and programs which do not require any direct subsidy to the
household, but are more of a manipulation of codes or an indirect subsidy of public
infrastructure.
C:\Oocuments and Settings\jyapp\Desktop\MemoForm-newJCCOG.doc
Housing Prices
Chart 1: Average Total Price of Sold Units in Iowa
City Area
$200,000 $190,190
$180,000
$160.000
$ 140,000
$120,000
$100,000
$80.000
$60.000
$40,000
$20,000
$0
Sep-08
$180,846
Sep-09
. Sold Sign Ie
Family Units
. Sold Condo Units
10waClty A.ssodaUon of
REALTORlj,'
Ch,rt d.sllVl bV C,
Wldm.r Aueust zoo,
F or more than 15 years we have been gathering information on
the local rental market in order to access its health. This year we
have gathered information on 5,365 units across the entire Iowa City
area, including Coralville and North Liberty. We have focused on
professionally managed buildings with four or more units.
Our study splits the data out into four geographic zones. Zone 1
the "Pentacrest Mile" is displayed graphically on the map below and
defined to encompass those areas with the greatest appeal to the stu-
dent population. The rest ofIowa City comprises zone 2, Coralville
is zone 3 and North Liberty, zone 4. Because of the competitive
nature of zone one, as it focuses on the student market, it continues
to earn the highest rents and experience the lowest vacancies. Also,
the growth in rents continues to be the strongest within zone one.
Boundaries for
definition of
"Penta crest mile"
area.
The red line shows the bound-
aries used to define the
"Pentacrest Mile" area. Bor-
dered on the north by the Iowa
River and south by Highway
6. The western border lines up
with Sunset St while the east-
ern border lines up with Gover-
nor St and Summit St.
A'VelAGE RENT BY UNIT 1YPE AI€J GEOGRAPHICAL AR:A . Core '09
1-8edroom 2-Bedroom 3-Bedroom 4-8edroom CNeraIl A_
Zone 1 $ 677 $ 722 $ 1.247 $ 1,485 $ 1,033
Zone 2 $ 493 $ &J7 $ 924 $ 675
Zone 3 $ 435 $ 627 $ 830 $ 631
Zone 4 $ 510 $ 658 $ 705 $ 945 $ 704
CNeraIl $ 529 $ 653 $ 926 $ 1.215 $ 761
AVERAGE RENT COMPARISON Cora
1-Bedroom 2-Bedroom 3-Bedroom 4-8edroom Overall Average
% Change % Change % Change % Change % Change
2007-2009 2007-2009 2007-2009 2007-2009 2007-2009
Zone 1 5.17% 5.96% 6.52% 3.66% 5.74%
Zone 2 7.51% 7.20% 3.81% 5.70%
Zone 3 2.35% 3.53% 2.18% 2.66%
Zone 4 0.00% 5.89% 6.03% 3.73% 4.09%
Overall 3.82% 5.63% 5.39% 3.69% 4.70%
The three tables on this page summarize
what we found through our survey. Rent
figures were calculated from the 'core', that
portion of our data which represents those
units for which were had two consequitive
years of data and from which a comparison
could be drawn. Vacancies are representa-
tive of our entire sample.
VA~ BY UNIT TYPE AND GEOGRAPHICAL AREA - 2009
l-Bedroom 2-Bedroom 3-Bedroom 4-Bedroom Overall Averat;Je
0.73% 0.51% 2.17"10 0.00% 0.80%
1.01% 1.61% 1.19% 1.43%
lore 1
lore 2
lore 3
lore 4
Overall
0.00%
1.49%
4.52%
1.41%
4.00%
0.00%
1.43%
0.88"",
1.43%
1.10%
15.15%
6.17"10
$200,000
$180,000
$160,000
$140,000
$120,000
$100,000
$80,000
$60,000
$40,000
$20.000
$0
Johnson County Average Home Sales Price
Chart 2: Johnson County Average Home Sales Price
.... N n'I <t III <D .... 00 '" 0 .... N n'I <t III <D .... 00 '" 0 .... N n'I <t III <D .... 00
00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
'" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... N N N N N N N N N
SO\M"ce: U.'S. Bureau ofthe C@nsus. JohnsonCounty Audtor ZOO,
(hart design by C. Widmer August 1009
- -
14%
12%
10%
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
-2%
-4%
-6%
Chart 3: Percent Change in Home Sales Price by Each
Proceeding Year
.... N n'I <t III <D .... 00 '" 0 .... N n'I <t III <D .... 00 '" 0 .... N n'I <t III <D .... 00
00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
'" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" '" 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... N N N N N N N N N
Source: U.S. Bureauofthe Census. JohnsonCountyAudtor 200'
(hdirt design bV C. wIdmer August lOO'J
Household Size
Chart 4: Household Size - Renter and Owner Occupied
~Owner Occupied ~ Renter Occupied
12.000
10,000
8,000
6.000
4,000
2,000
0
'0 '0 '0 '0 '0
'0 '0 '0 '0 '0
Sour<:*:2005- .<: .<: .<: .<: .<:
lOO7Amfrlc.an <:> '" '" <:> '"
~ ~ ~ ~ ~
Community :J :J :J :J :J
0 0 0 0 0
Survey 3-Yur .<: .<: .<: .<: .<:
Estimates c: c: c: c: c:
0 0 0 0 51
ChartdesignbvC. ~ ~ ~ ~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~
Wldm.r August '" '" ~ '" '"
'i" 0. 0. 0.
200' ..... N ,;, .;. .;.,
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Chart 5: Household Size - Owner Occupied
12,000
10,000
8,000
6,000
4,000
2,000
0
1
5,073
4,601
2
345
Number of Persons per Household
SOUrce:1OO5-1007 American Community Survey 3-'1'.. oar Estimates
ChartiHdgnbyC. IhidmerAugustlOO'
474
6
-----,
c:
51
~'O
"'-
c.O
"'.<:
~ '"
o ~
E i5
'-.<:
o
,:.
124
7
12,000 l
10,000
8,000
6.000
4,000
2,000
o .
1
Chart 6: Household Size - Renter Occupied
623
261
1,069
2
345
Number of Persons per Household
6
>ource: 1005-1007 A.merkan Community Sutvty l.Y.. Estlm~es
Chart design by C. Widmer AuCUst 2009
58
7
48.20%
Rental Rates vs. Household Income
Chart7: GROSS RENT AS A PERCENTAGE OF
HOUSEHOLD INCOME
10.80%
. less than 15.0 percent
. 15.0to 19.9 percent
.20.0 to 24.9 percent
. 25.0to 29.9 percent
.30.0 to 34.9 percent
11.10%
.35.0 percent or more
Total of 14,561 Units
Sourc.: 1005.2007 Amtrlc.m Community
Survey P(t.Estlrnates
(h~r1d.si(nby'. Widmer
AUl\utlOO'9
5.90%
Population Growth by Income Levels
Chart 8: Projected Population Growth - Johnson
County
250,000
210,695
197,529 -
200.000
c 158,456 171,417
0 184,445
..,
..!!! 150,000 121,236
::J 111,461
a. 145.645
0 133,071
0.. ....
;;; 100,000
-
~
50,000
0
2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040
Year
Sourc@-:2009 WOODS & POOLE ECONOMICS. INC.
Ch.lIrt design by C. Widmer August 2009
$50,000
$45,000
$40,000
$35.000
"
E $30,000
0
u
.:
:I $25.000
'c.
a $20.000
~
"
0..
$15,000
$ 10.000
$5,000
$0
Chart 9: Johnson County Per Capita Personal Income
Projection
$45,084
1970
1980
1995
2020
2000
2005
2010
2015
1985
1990
1975
Sourct!: 2005~2007 Arne-man Community 'j,urvey
Chart design by C, Wklmfr AUi\lst 200'
Year
60.0%
50.0%
40.0%
30.0%
20.0%
10.0%
Housing Profiles
Chart 10: Distribution of Housing Units Occupancy Status
and Tenure for Johnson County
54.5%
55.9%
54.9%
0.0%
. Vacant
. Owner
. Renter
2000
2007
2012
Source: u.s. Buruu of the Census. 2000 Census of populaUon.and Housing; ESRI fortusUfor 2007 and l012
Chart dts~ by C. Wldmtr Aucurt lOa'
Chart 11: Distribution of Owner Occupied Housing by
Value in Johnson County
20.0%
18.0%
16.0%
14.0% __2000
~ 12.0%
c
.. 10.0% ........2007
u
~
..
Q. 8.0% __2012
6.0%
4.0%
2.0%
0.0%
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Agenda Item #5
~JCCOG
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Date:
To:
From:
Re:
October 19, 2009
JCCOG Affordable Housing Task Force
Kristopher Ackerson, Assistant Transportation Planner
Agenda item #5: Policy and zoning code options to encourage moderate-priced
housing
Various communities employ land-use tools to improve the supply of workforce and retiree
housing. Density bonuses, land banking, and streamlined approval are three prominent tools, as
well as encouraging accessory dwelling units and reduced parking requirements for new struc-
tures. The following memorandum highlights successful affordable housing policies employed in
other communities that could be considered locally in Johnson County. Significantly, these tools
do not require the city to allocate funds for implementation, which improves the likelihood of
adoption.
Let us know at our October 29 meeting if you would like more information about any of these
policy options.
Affordable Housing Policies
More Efficient Use of Housina/Accessorv Dwellina Units - An accessory dwelling unit is a sec-
ondary dwelling incorporated within a single-family structure - sometimes called a 'granny flat.'
Accessory dwelling units (ADU) may not be subdivided or otherwise segregated in ownership
from the primary residence structure. The City of Bellevue, Washington allows ADUs by right
and reduces the following requirements to accommodate affordable accessory dwelling units
and bonus units on-site:
· Lot coverage
· Parking requirements
· Building height
· Lot area
· Open space
Proportional Impact Fees - Local governments frequently charge impact fees to cover the infra-
structure costs associated with new development. These one-time expenses are typically levied
upon issuance of building permits to help ensure that public facilities and services - including
water and sewer systems, roads, and even schools - have adequate capacity. While impact
fees are initially charged to the developers of new homes, the cost of the fees may be passed
on to the occupants in the form of higher home prices or rents.
Impact fees are often assessed on a flat, per-unit basis; for example, the same impact fee may
be charged for a small town home and a spacious single-family residence even though their "im-
pact" differs. Proportionate fee schedules help to preserve housing affordability by reducing the
fees associated with smaller, starter homes and infill development.
Density Bonus - Some jurisdictions have adopted inclusionary zoning policies that require de-
velopers to set aside a percentage of units in housing developments for low- and moderate-
S:\PCDlJCCOG\TRANS\Projects\Affordable Housing Task Force\Afford Housing Policy- 1 O_6_09.doc
income residents, Other communities, however, employ a carrot and stick approach. Density
bonuses and other incentives offset the developer's project costs and compensate them for pro-
viding affordable units, which may otherwise reduce profits. This approach enlists private sector
help in contributing to the affordable housing supply and reduces segregation of affordable
housing. To be effective, the incentives must be enticing enough to encourage the development
community to take advantage of them.
To achieve these goals, the cities expect that developments seeking density bonuses meet the
necessary qualifications by offering units at prices affordable to people at 80% or less of the
Area Median Income. In return, the cities offer a range of incentives to developers, from greater
density to reduced parkland exactions, and special financial assistance or variances in parking
requirements:
· Reduced minimum lot sizes and/or dimensions
· Increased maximum lot coverage
. Increased maximum building height and/or stories
. Reduced on-site parking standards, including the number or size of spaces and ga-
rage requirements
· Reduced street widths
· Reduced park dedication requirements
· Shifting commercial uses to residential
. Expedited review
Pre-Approved Plans for Streamlined Approval - Several west coast communities have initiated
programs that reduce the time and cost of the permit process for the developer for certain types
of housing, while promoting well-designed housing. These cities offer contractors the opportu-
nity to purchase or use house plans that are pre-approved by the city. The city reviewed plans in
advance for conformance with building codes and many other standards. Sacramento, Califor-
nia offers such "permit ready" plans for infill housing. The Portland, Oregon program targets
housing on narrow lots, and Santa Cruz offers accessory dwelling unit plans. Portland's plans
were developed based on design contest winners.
Alternative Sinqle Family Zone Development (Hiqher Density) - The City of Portland, Oregon
zoning code (33,110.240) includes 'alternative development options' in several residential zones
including zero-lot line duplexes, screened flagpole lots, and transitional density between single
family residential and non-residential areas. These options allow for variety in development
standards while maintaining the overall character of a single-dwelling neighborhood.
The alternative development options are allowed by right, unless specifically stated otherwise.
Still, the project must comply with all of the applicable development standards of the code,
These options have several public benefits:
· They allow for development which responds to environmental concerns, especially in
hilly areas and areas with water features and natural drainage ways;
· They promote better site layout and opportunities for private recreational areas;
· They promote opportunities for affordable housing;
· They promote energy-efficient development;
. They allow for the provision of alternative structure types where density standards
are met. such as accessory dwelling units and zero lot line duplexes; and
S:\PCD\JCCOG\TRANS\ProjectslAf1ordable Housing Task ForcelAf1ord Housing Policy_10_6_09.doc
Innovative Housina Demo Proarams - Several communities have established innovative hous-
ing demonstration projects or pilot projects to test how well cottage housing and other innovative
housing types would address local housing needs and fit into the community. Cottage housing is
small, detached houses clustered around a common landscaped area. In Seattle, this type of
housing is allowed in multifamily lones, but is now being considered for single family lones.
Standards for cottage housing would promote development that is similar in scale and design to
traditional bungalows. Driveway or alley access to shared on-site parking can be accommo-
dated with minimal impact on the neighborhood streetscape.
For example, the mayor of Seattle supports
creating affordable housing options by
increasing the variety of housing types
available to Seattle residents. Cottage housing
can provide an affordable alternative to single
family home ownership. As part of the Housing
Choices project, the Department of Planning
and Development worked with the Seattle
Planning Commission on concepts for cottage
housing. These concepts will form the basis for
developing more detailed standards for this
development type.
Conclusion
Image source: City of Seattle
The tools outlined in this memorandum provide a menu of options to consider. What works in
one community may not be effective in another. However, the success of these programs creat-
ing workforce and retiree housing hint at opportunities to for further research and evaluation
based on local conditions.
Feel free to contact me with questions at 356-5247 or Kristopher-Ackerson@iowa-citv,org. I will
also be at your October 29th meeting to answer questions.
S:\PCD\JCCOG\TRANS\Projects\Affordable Housing Task ForcelAfford Housing PolicL10_6_09,doc
Agenda Item #6
~JCCOG
r~ m e m 0
r....
Date: October 23, 2009
To: JCCOG Affordable Housing Committee
From: Linda se~~uman Services Coordinator
Re: Definition of Affordable Housing, and Marketing/Public Education
Attached you will find the following information:
. HUD definition of Affordable Housing
Is this the definition the committee would like to use as we proceed, or should we not
focus on a specific definition of affordability at this time?
. Information from Lincoln NE Affordable Housing needs Analysis re: NIMBYism (Not In
My Back Yard). This is produced by the City of Lincoln.
. Billboards re: Affordable Housing in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Minnesota, Marin
(San Francisco area) Consortium For Workforce Housing, and Northern Colorado.
These media campaigns have either been at a state level or in a large metropolitan area.
. Information from the City of Austin Texas re: Affordable Housing Forums
The Austin Neighborhood Housing and Community Development Department and the
Austin Housing Finance Corporation hosted a series of public forums on various aspects
of affordable housing with different topics and speakers at each forum.
The definition of Affordable Housing
For housing to be affordable, housing expenses (whether mortgage expenses or gross rent
payments) must equal no more than 30 % of a household's gross income, according to HUD.
Mortgage expenses include repayment of principle, insurances, taxes, and interest payments.
Typically utilities, maintenance, and rehabilitation expenses are not included in the
determination of owner affordability. Gross rent includes utilities and rent payments.
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From the City of Lincoln, Nebraska: Affordable Housing Needs Analysis (produced by the
City of Lincoln)
Strategies to Change NIMBY (Not In My Backyard) Attitudes:
. Educate and inform neighborhood organizations on the benefits of affordable housing
and housing for special populations.
. Encourage affordable housing providers to workwith neighborhood associations before
seeking City approval.
. Provide "best practices" design standards for housing redevelopment projects to reduce
NIMBYism.
Because Not In My Back Yard (NIMBY) involves fear of change in the physical and/or social
composition of the neighborhood and community, overcoming NIMBY attitudes can be one of
the most difficult barriers to overcome. These sentiments can be easily translatable into
government action or inaction. These attitudes can use concerns about property values, quality
of life, neighborhood aesthetics, to cover up feelings against low-income persons, about
persons with disabilities, and/or racial or ethnic prejudice. The City and partners should work to
educate and inform neighborhood organizations on the benefits of affordable housing and
housing for special populations. Informed neighborhoods are better able to communicate with
affordable housing providers and cope with the transition of new development and social
change.
The City should encourage landlords, developers, special needs housing providers, and
affordable housing providers to work with neighborhood associations before seeking City
approval. Effective communication about a project can reduce neighborhood fear and
opposition.
The City and its partners should provide "best practices" design standards for housing
redevelopment projects to reduce NIMBYism. Affordable housing can often be designed to fit
within the existing neighborhood framework and remain affordable. The City should continue
with the media to highlight best practices in affordable housing design, maintenance, and
support.
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II takes O\'C:r $14.00Il'l0ut 10 alToi'd the ~Lvet<lge 2.~droom aparlmenlltere.
It takes almost $27.00JhOUf lO afford the averaae hOflle tletC'.
These people benefit our communities.
Let's keep them here.
Support affordable housing.
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lnclusionary Housing, Incentives,
and Land Value Recapture
Nico Calavita and Alall Mal/adl
I. ndu~i(}nary Housing (III) program~ are land
l use regulation~ that require developers of
market-rate residential devdopment to set
.~. aside a small portion of tllf~ir units. usually
hetwecn 10 and 20 pel'cent, for households
unabl!': to aflorcl housing in the open market. A1-
tCl'l1ativcly they can choose to pay a Ice 01' donme
land in Iiell of providing units. Originating in the
carly 19708, inclusionary housing has grown tel be
a major vehicle by which alTordable hOllsing units
.lI'e provided in lal'ge parts of the United States, as
well as an important strategy fill' alliJrdable hOlls-
ing in many other countries.
From the first days of IH, there has becn widc-
spread debate over what is sometimes called lht:
"incidence" controversy-that is, how the cost~
of providing alTordablc, and by definition bdow-
market, housing are addres~cd, and which of tht'
parties in a real estate lran~aclion actually bears
those costs. As a result of wicle~rl"(:ad concern that
costs arc being borne by developers and/or ma\"-
kct-ratc hO/llcbuycrs, and retlecting legal concerns
as~ociated with the takings issut', malty mUllidpali-
tie~ enacting inclllsionary ordinances huve com-
hined them with incenlives 01' cost offsets designl~c1
to make the imposition of all aITordnble hOllsing
obligation cost-neutral. Many of lhese incentives,
hOWeVl:lj displace costs onto the public, either
directly or indirectly.
We suggest that a bettt'r approat:h is to link
inc:lll~ionary housing- to the ong-oing process of
rezoning eilher by the developer or by local
govenlln~nl initiative lhu~ lrcating it explicitl)'
as a vc.hide for recapturing ChI' public benefit
some part of the gain in land value rt'"~lIlting
from public action.
The La Costa
Paloma Apartments
In Carlsbad. California,
have 180 apartment
units affordable to
households earning
at or below 50 and
60 percent of the
area median Income.
J A N U A H Y 2 0 0 9 . Ltllul Lines . LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY ill
.
FE AT U R E Inclusioll'!r)" Housing, ItIlTllti\l('s, and Land Valuc R('(',ljllnll' .~
Part of an
Incluslonary
development In
affluent suburban
Cranbury, New
Jersey, this four-
unit structure Is
designed to look
like an expensive
single-family
house.
The Evolution of Incluslonary Housing
Several factors contdbuted to the development of
inclusionary housing in the early 1970s: efforts to
foster racially and socioeconomically integrated
communities and combat exclusionary practices;
the rise of the environmental movement that spur-
red growth management programs; the use of
exactions to make development pay for the costs
of growth; and sharp housing cost increases, par-
ticularly in key areas such as California and Wash-
ington, DC. During the I 980s, IH became an im-
portant tool to offset the Reagan administl'ation's
savage cuts in federal funding for atTordable hOlls-
ing by pushing states and localities to take a more
pro-active role in the atTordable housing arena,
California, New Jersey, and Massachusetts led
the nation in IB, driven by stale laws ena(:ted dur-
ing this period that required local govc.rmnents to
produce, or remove obstacles blocking others from
producing, their "f.,ir share" of alTordablc housing.
Outside of those states, the greater ''''ashington,
DC, region produced many of the first significant
IH programs, notably in Montgomery and Prince
George's counties in Maryland, and llairfax and
Loudoun counties in Virginia.
IH was originally a tool to provide alTordable
housing and create mixed-incomc communities in
suburban areas, but today it is also being adopted
in urban centers sllch as Denver, Baltimore, Ohica-
go, and New York where redevelopment, infill, and
densification-and often gentrification-are taking
place. Some cities arc also requiring developers
who convert rental housing into condominiums to
make a portion of the former rel1lalunits alTord-
able to moderate- or 100v-income homebuyers,
extending the reach of IH to existing buildings as
well. Implementing IE programs becomes more
problematic, howevel~ when applied to urban infill
sites and redcvelopment areas, where developmcIlt
is ofi:en more expensive and difIicult than in UlC
suburbs, demanding particular fiexibility in dr-sign-
ing and administering IE ordinances.
No national survey has ever been conducted
of IH programs. Estimates rangc from 300 to 500
programs in existence and 80,000 to 120,000 units
produced (Porter 2004; Brunick 2007; Mallach
2009). IH may not be a panacea for the nation's
housing alTordability problems, but it can bc a sig-
nificant, locally based component of an ovcrarch-
ing stmtegy in which the [ederal and state govern-
ments must also play significant roles.
IH, moreovel~ is no longer an exclusive Ameri-
can practice. In recent years it has spread not only
to Canada and many European countrit':s, in dud-
<<> Alan Mallach
16 LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY . uuul Lines . J A N U A R Y 2 009
ing England, lrdand, France, haly, and Spain, bur
also to such far-flung places as lndia, South Africa,
New Zealand, and Australia. The global sprend of
HI l'eflects a larger policy shift under which gov-
ernments incrcnsingly look to developers to shoul-
der part of the widcr societal costs of develop-
ment. But who actually pays for those costs'~
The Incidence Controversy
Since it can be assllmed that affi)l"(Jable'housing
units will sell 01' rent for below-market prices, therc
is little doubt that there are costs associated with
complying with a lllunicipality's inclusionary 1'C-
quirement. ''''hile developers OfLCH maintain that
renters 01' buyers of market~rate units bcar th(~ cost
of IH, cconomists point out that the devdoper
and/ or the seller of raw land to the dl~veloper
should, undcr most circumstances, absorb part or
all of these costs. There seems to be agreement in
the literature that "in the long nm . . . most of the
(:osts will be passed hack ward to the owners of
land" (Mallach I !l84-, 88).
A strong argument in support of this position is
that a rationnl developer will already charge the
maximum housing sale price that the market can
beal; and thus will be unable to pass along addi-
tional eosL~ thmugh higher prices. Under those
,>~
C> NIco Cal..;!.
circumstances, if newly imposed exactions increase
thc cost of developmcnt, eithcr the pl'ice of the
land 01' thc dcvelopers' profits will havc to come
down. ''''hile developers may reducc their profit
lIlargins, it is likely Ihat wherever possible they will
seek a reduction in land costs. Critics of IH main-
tain that these represent unreasonahle and unfair
outcomes, while proponents argue that it is neither
unfilir nor unrcasonable for the landowner to heal'
mueh of the cost of inelusionary programs.
Is the reduction of land costs a desirable 0\1t-
come of IH? Put differently, docs the imposition of
IH actually reduce land vnlue from some level in-
trinsic to the land, or does it represent the rccap-
turc of an increment in land valne associated with
govemmcntal action?
It is widely a1"/~ued that increases in land values
do nOI gcnerall)' rcsult from the owner's unaided
efforts, hut rather from public invcstments and
governmelll decisions, and m'c thcrefore in wholt"
or part "unearned." This argulllelll is acccpted in
many European l'()untries, leading to the adoption
of regulations that attempt to recapture or elimi-
nate what :Ire considered to be windfill! profits
assoeiatcd with land dcvelopmcnt. Our research,
supported by the Lincoln Institute, has found that
in mauy countries IH is viewed explicitly as II
The single,famlly
developer of the
La Costa Paloma
Apartments In
Carlsbad, California,
was allowed to
cluster the IH units
and build them in
collaboration wlth a
nonprofit developer.
J ^ N U A R Y 2009 . Land Liues . LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY 17
---------- .
FE A T U R E Illdll~Hlll"r~ !!owiiug, IUl'l'llllH'S, aud Land V;dlU' \{('('aplllll' i
Mill River House Is
a 92.unlt mid-rise
In a downtown
redevelopment
area of Stamford,
Connecticut, with
a 12 percent lowl
moderate Income
set aside.
mechanism to recaptUl'e unearned increments in
land value.
In the United States, where the "right to devel-
op" is far more central to the concept of property
rights than is the case in most European countries,
land value recapture is not widely recognized as a
part of planning practice and land development.
Thus, the impositioll of affordable housing obliga-
tions is often legitimatized by providing compensa-
tion in the form of incentives or cost oo-sets to de-
velopers for the additional costs of providin~ IH.
As Ha~man (1982) has argued, incentives such
as density bonuses and other cost off.~ets have 110
elTect on the price paid by the buyers of market
units, but ensure instead that the unearned incre-
ments in land value will keep flowing to landown-
ers. Even housing advocates will argue for cost
olTsets, if only as a way of gaining support and
blunting developers' opposition to the enactment
of indusionary ordinances. Incentives and cost
olTsels provided to developers are not free, how-
ever, but may carry pott:lltially high public costs.
Incentives and Cost Offsets
It has been argued in the United States that with-
out incentives and cost offsets, "inclusionary hous-
ing becomes a constraint or an exaction on new
development" (Coyle 199], 27-28). For examplt:,
the California Department of Housing and Com-
munity Development (HCD) hus advised for years
against "the adoption by local governments of in-
c1usionary housing ordinances or policies which
shill the burden of subsidi..dng low-income afforcl-
ability fium government to private builders"
(Coyle 1994,2), The current HCD position is that
JH creates a potential obstacle to private residen-
tial development and therefc)re localities must
demonstrate that IH adoption 01' implementation
has a neutral or even positive impact on develop-
ment. Similarly, a 2007 New Jersey COlllt decision
found that municipalities seeking to enact inclu-
sionary ordinances must pl'Ovide the developers
with "compensating benefits" to mitigate the
cost of the alTordable housing obligation (In tlte
IHatter Q[ the Adoption of No]A.C. 5;94 anrl.5:95,
390 N.]. Supel: I (App. Dill, 2007), ccrtij.' dtllierll92
NJ. 72 (2007).
In this climate, it is undt:rstanclable that local
governments incorporate cost off.~ets or incentives
in their inclusionary programs, even in the absence
of a clear legal doctrine requiring off.~clling bene-
fits, These programs may include density increases
or "bonuses," waivers or deferral of impact fees,
fast-track permitting, lower parking requirements,
o Todd Dumols, City 01 Slamford lond Us. Bu,..u
:1.8 LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY . Land Line.~ . J A N U A R Y 2009
relaxation of design standards such as street widths
and setbacks, or other regulatory concessions that
subseque::ntly reduce developers' costs. In addition,
financial incentives may be provided through fe::d-
eral Community Development Block CI';Ults and
Home:: funds or state and local subsidies, induding
below-market-rate construction loans, tax-exempt
bond mortgage financing, and land write-downs.
A survey of IH in California found that local
financial subsidies arc commoll among the most
productive jurisdictions (NPH/CCRH 2007).
The most fh:quently lIsed subsidy is tax increment
financing (TIF), which is all but synonymous with
redevelopment in California. Under statc law, 20
pereent of all TIF reve::nues must be dedicated to
the provision of affordable housing. After TIF
funds the most wielely used incentives are density
bonuses and permit-related concessions, such as
deferral, redul:tion, or waiver of applicable permit
and impact fees. Some jlllisdictions also oller fast-
track pl'Oeessing and ncxibility of design standards,
including height and bulk requircments, as well
as parking and open space requirements. In his
national study of IH programs, Porter (2004, 9)
found a similar pattern with "the most common
compensatory offering being density bonuses. . .
although their specific value in any given location
is difficult to calculate."
Studies have shown that it i~ often po~~ible to
fill the affordability ~ap-the difference between
what it costs to provide housing and what lower-
income households can afford-through local gov-
ernment measure~ that reduce production cost~.
However, developers often argue that cost o{f.~ets
alone do not compensate thcm adequately for in-
dusionill)' requirements. Even additional financial
assistance does not gllal'antee acceptance of IH by
the dcvelopment industry. In large jurisdictions in
filst-growing areas with powelful development in-
terests, even cost offset approaches can be thwarted,
particularly during recessiol1ary periods, as they
were rno~t e~regiollsly in the City of San Diego
in the early 1990s (Calavita and Grimes 1994-).
These incel1lives often come at a public cost.
Financial incentives are paid directly by taxpaycrs,
either through appropriations at the federal, state,
or local level, or by redirecting revenues that would
Olherwi.<re go into the city's genenll fund. The effect
of fee waivers, reduclion~, or deferrals is nearly as
direct. Development ("J'eates demands for publil:
facilities, services, and infrastructure, the costs of
which arc typically mitigated by fees whose nature
and amount is directly related and roughly propor-
tional to the developmel1l's impact.
''''hen a project docs not pay its full cost, the
city must make lip the lost revenue or allow infra-
structure or service levels to decline. in either case,
the public bears a cost. Fast-track permit approval
will requil'e more personnel 10 process the plan at
public cost, or lengthen delays fi)r prqjects that do
not benefit from the fast track. LJwer parking re-
quirements might be justified by the assumptioll
that lower-pricl~d tmits require less parking, an as-
sUIllPtion that Illay not be supportable in all cases,
and thlls a legitimate cause of concern fi)!' neigh-
borhood groups.
Density bonuses, which are uscd widely to in-
ccntivize urban design amenities as well as afford-
able housing, can be both the most attractive to
the developers and the most problematic to the
public at large. When superimposed on an existing
planning framework, density bonuses raise three
major areas of concern.
Torrey Highlands,
a 76-unlt IH
project serving
families earning
up to 60 percent
of area median
Income, Is In
the City of San
Diego's northern
fringe area.
1. They undermine cxi~ting rcgulatiollS, dlectivcly
undoing land use planning and zoning regula-
tions without the associated processes that usu-
ally accompany zoning changes. A Los Angeles
J A N U A R Y 2 0 0 9 . Laud Lines . LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY 19
SOMA Grand Is
a 246.unlt condo-
minium project
with 29 IH units
In the South of
Market (SOMA)
neighborhood of
San Francisco.
The IH units are
affordable to
families making
100 percent
of area median
Income, while the
market-rate units
sell for between
$500,000 and
$1.9 million.
City Council member opposed to IH stated:
"Th is proposal automatically increases a dcnsity
in a l:Ommunity by 15 percent, which in ellect
trashes a community's ellorts to master plan
their community" (Smith 2004, 2),
2. They may lower lhc level of service of public
facilities and infrastructure in the area. Analysis
of the adequacy of public fildlities, identifica-
tion of necded improvemcllts, and scheduling
of the invcstments-either on the part of the
developer or the locality--is needed to ensure
that levels of selvice will not deterioratc as a
rcsult of the additional densit), associated with
land use or zonin~ changes. Without it the qual-
ity of life and publie services in neighborhoods
affected by significant use of density bonuses
may deteriorate. These imp;u:ts are ran:ly
taken into consideration.
3. They frustrate citizen participation in the plan-
ning process by being enacted outside of that
process. Once approved, their implementation is
piecemeal, and their impacts only gradually fHt.
A critical distinction must be made, therefore,
betwecn density increascs resulting frol11 an up-
zoning based on a plannin~ process that has pre-
sumably taken into account the issues arising
fi'om an incrcase in land use intensity, and density
bonuses superimposed on existing zonin~ with the
potential to have a significant but unanticipated
impact on neighborhoods. The costs imposed by
density bonuses, as with other incentives, are ofi:en
forgotten by those who propose using cost offsets
and incentives to support TH.
Land Value Recapture Through Rezoning
Reliance on cost Oml':lS and incentives implicitly
assumr.s a static view of urban plannin~-that III
requirements will be applied within thc cxisting
planning and zoning framework as part of the sub-
division or site plan approval process. Within this
framework, while rational developers will try to
buy the land at prices that reflect those requirc-
ments, the availability of cost offsets will reduce
the developer's motivation to bargain with the
landowner who, in any case, will not be motivated
to sell her land at an)' less than the price she could
get in the absence of IH requirements. In the end,
the landowner is likely to get her price and the de-
veloper his profits, while the city and the neighbor-
hoods absorb lhe cost~. All of this reflects the re-
,
<<> Pelarls Group SIln FrancisCo Rasld."tIel Market Repo,l
luctance of the public sector in the United States
to confront the effr.cts of any action on land valucs,
There is a bettcr way.
Planning is a dynamic process. Plans and
ordinances arc changed constantly to reflect both
changes in e.xternlll conditions and the potential
profit to be made Ii'om upwning properties to
higher density or more profitable IISr.S. Constant
wning changes are a realily of the plannin~ pro-
cess in any area with strong development demand,
When land use intensities change and land values
increase as the result or public action, TH can be-
come an integral part of lhe local land use plan-
ning and development process, rather than heing
superimposed on a pre-existing framework. Thlls,
TH can become an instrument to \"~eapLUre th~
land value increment associated with the ~vern-
ment action of rezoning 01' land lIse changes,
The state of Washington took a step in this
directioll in 2006 in enacting Hn 2984, which spe-
cifically authori7.es IH where it is linked to upzon-
iugs. As described in one commentary, "If a city
decides to up:wuc a neighborhood, it can require
that anyonr: building in that area includc a eel"tain
number of affordable units. . . . The justification
of this reqlliremr.nt is that the property owner has
20 LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY . Limd Li'les . J A N U A R Y 200 9
- - - ~ ---
1.
been given increased land value by virtue of the
up7.one, and that increased value is the equivalent
of an incentive under a voluntary program" (The
Housing Partnership 2007, 5).
Rules proposed by the New Jersey Council on
Affordable Housing, which sets standards for fH
in the framework of the state's statutory fair-share
scheme, have moved in a similar direction. The
rules establish "minimum presumptive densities"
and "presumptive maximum" IH set-asides, rang-
ing Irom 22 units to the acre with a 20 percent set-
aside in urban centers to 4 units to the acre with a
25 percent set-aside in areas indicated for lower
density under the State Development and Redevel-
opment Plan (New Jersey Council on Aflordablc
Housing 2008,47-48). Although not explicitly
linking the indusionary requirement to a rezoning
per se, re7.0ning will be needed in many, if not
most, cas('.s to achieve the presumptive densities
required by the proposed rules.
Recent New.Jel'sey legislation has gone a step
furthel; mandating that every residential develop-
ment "resulting from a 7.oning change made to a
previously nonn:sidentially zoned property, where
the change in 7.oning precedes the application. . .
by no more than 24 months," contain a set-aside of
housing allordablc to lo\\'- and moderate-income
households (Public Law 46 of 2008, amending
NJ. Statutes Ann. 52:27D- 307). The Council is
empowered to set the appropriate set-aside per-
centage in such cases based on "cconomic feasibil-
ity with consideration for the proposed density of
development." Although the concept is ul'guably
implicit in the Washington statute, the New Jersey
legislation appears to be the first time thatth(~
principle of "planning gain," as it is termed in
the United Kingdom, or rhe recapturc of the land
value increment resulting li"(lm rezoning for the
benefit of affordable homing, has been enshrincd
in American land planning law.
\I'Ve are not proposing that communities do away
with existing IH s)'stems, but rather that there be a
two-tiercd approach. The first would impost': mod-
est inelusiollary requirements within an existing
zoning fi-amework, incorporating those il1(:en tives
that can be offered withrmt undue cost to the pub-
lic. The second would be associated with significant
up7.0nings of either specific parcels or largcr areas
groundcd in thc principle of laud value recapture,
imposing inclusionaf)' requirements that in many
cases could be substantially higher than the 10 to
20 percent range that is now customary. A period
of transition might be appropriate to allow land
markets to adjusl to the new regulatory framework.
In conclusion, the time ha~ come to reconsider
the underlying premises of IH in the United
States. By grounding IH in the practice of rezon-
ing, we believe it is possible to better integrate ill-
c1usionary housing into good planning practices
and begin to recapture lor the public good some
part of the unearned increment in land values re-
sulting from the exercise of public land use regula-
tory powers. Il
. ABOUT THE AUTHORS
NICO CALAVITA iJ pro/wol" elllf/'illlS ill Ihe Graduale Progmm ill Cil)' I'lanning
at Sail Diego Stale Ullir't/"Si!J. CoOl/lrul: llculavil@mail.sdsl/.ecl/l
ALAN MALLACH is a /lumt.n'rlmt .ffl/iorfillow at Mrtropolilal/ Poliq Pmgmll/
0/ tbe Bmdil/g.l illstill/lion ill HflSllillgtuJ/, DC. {II/dl.iritillg srllolar al llle Fdeml
Reserve Bank qf Philttdelphia, COI/lact: amaIlQell@,"l)lI/casl.'ltt
. REFERENCES
Brunick, Nicholas. 2007. Compensatory benefits to developers for provision
of affordable housing. Incluslonary housing: Lessons from the national
experience. Trenton. NJ: New Jersey Council on Affordable Housing.
Calavita, Nlco, and Kenneth Grimes. 1994. Incluslonary housing in a con.
servative city: Equity planning strategies and political realities. Presented
at the 36th Annual Meeting of the Assoclallon of Collegiate Schools of
Planning. Phoenix, AZ. November.
Coyle, Timothy. 1991. Inclusionary zoning: Is it helping or hurting housing?
Land Use Forum 1(1):27-28,
-. 1994. Barriers /0 affordable housing. Sacramento, CA: Depart-
ment of Housing and Community Development.
Hagman. Donald. 1982. Taking care of one's own through incluslonary
zoning: Bootstrapping low- and moderate.income hOllsing by local govern-
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The Uousing Partnership. 2007. The Ins and outs: A policy guide /0
Inc/usionaryand bonus housing programs in Waslling/on. DC. August: 5.
Mallach, Alan. 1984, Inclusiooory hal/sing programs: Policies and practices.
New Brunswick, NJ: Center for Urban Policy Research. Rutgers University.
-. 2009 (forthcoming). Understanding affordable housing:
Creating and preserving housing fOl" the less afflvent America. Chicago. IL:
Planners Press
New Jersey Council on Affordable Housing, 2008. Proposed amcndments
to substantive rules for pcriod boglnnlng Junc 2, 2008, Trenton, NJ.
Non.Profit Housing Association of Northern California and California
Coalition for Rural Housing (NPH/CCRH). 2007. Affordable by choice:
Trends in California Incluslonary JlousJng programs. San Francisco, CA.
Porter, Douglas. 2004. Incluslonary zoning for affordable hOUSIng.
Washington. DC: Urban Land Institute.
Smith, Greig. 2004. Inclusionary zoning: It's Just bad planning. Council
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J A N U A R Y 2 0 0 9 . Land Lilies . LINCOLN INSTITUTE OF LAND POLICY 21